Ted Brown
LibertarianQ1 In June 2026, USDA confirmed New World screwworm in Texas livestock for the first time in decades; as of early July, dozens of infestations have been confirmed across South Texas (USDA APHIS , 2026). USDA estimates a full-scale outbreak comparable to past infestations could cost the regional economy billions of dollars (USDA APHIS). What policies, if any, would you support to respond to the current outbreak and improve Texas’s agricultural biosecurity (practices and safeguards that prevent pests and diseases from spreading through livestock populations), and what evidence or considerations would inform that approach?
The screwworm problem is definitely an area for scientists to be involved, and I saw that this occurred decades ago with releasing sterile screwworms to nip any epidemics in the bud. I hope this will succeed, and perhaps it did, since the screwworm has been out of the news recently. Apparently USDA had cut funding for this program before this epidemic, which shows that the cattle industry needs to take matters into their own hands from here on, since you can’t really trust government to have your back.
Q2 Texas is on track to become the nation’s leading data center market within the next three years (Bloom Energy, 2026). The state’s grid operator has more than doubled its 2030 forecast for data center power demand over the past year (ERCOT, 2025). Such growth brings economic opportunity while placing significant demands on water, land, and energy systems, raising questions about tax incentives, utility costs, and local community impacts. What policies, if any, would you support around water/energy allocation, tax incentives, or utility costs for data center development in Texas, and what evidence informs that position?
A lot of people are legitimately concerned about so many data centers being proposed all over the state. There are also reasons more data centers are needed, given that AI needs more data capacity. I oppose any taxpayer subsidies to data center companies, and I believe in protecting private property rights. Data centers need to show where their power and water will come from and be sure it doesn’t adversely affect local residents. The power issue may be easier than water, since there are more ways to generate electric power. Local officials must be totally transparent with residents about the effects of the data centers. Note that any politician who says they are opposed to data centers or want a moratorium will probably change their minds after the election.
Q3 Texas faces flooding while simultaneously experiencing water scarcity driven by drought, groundwater depletion, and population growth (TWDB, 2024). Hundreds of Texas waterways are listed as impaired for bacteria, mercury, and other pollutants, threatening water quality for communities across the state (TCEQ, 2024). Agriculture is the largest consumer of the state’s groundwater, yet it is also well positioned to be a valuable partner in conservation efforts. What policies, if any, would you support to improve Texas’s water infrastructure, and what considerations would guide your approach to the state’s agricultural economy?
This is not an issue I know enough about to give you a coherent answer. If elected, I will discuss the issue in detail with those most knowledgeable to see what I could do as Senator to contribute to a reasonable solution.
Q4 The Texas power grid continues to face strain from extreme heat and increasing demand, including from data centers. What policies, if any, would you support to improve grid reliability for Texas consumers and businesses?
It’s important that no form of power generation is left behind. I believe in a free market in energy that includes fossil fuels, wind, solar, hydroelectric, and nuclear. Texas needs to be more open to nuclear, and recent research shows that mini-nuclear reactors powered by thorium could be used at data centers or crypto mining operations to have them stay off the main grid. I do oppose eminent domain that forces property owners to have power lines installed on their properties against their wills.
Q5 Texas universities and hospitals receive approximately $1.9 billion annually in NIH funding across 118 research sites, supporting tens of thousands of jobs and driving medical and scientific innovation (FASEB, 2025). NIH grants reimburse institutions for both direct research costs and indirect costs, the facilities, administration, and support infrastructure that make research possible. A 15% indirect cost cap proposed by NIH in 2025, currently blocked by federal courts, would sharply reduce this reimbursement below the rates Texas institutions have negotiated, cutting an estimated $300 million in annual support that institutions would need to absorb or backfill (Kamerlin & Elias, 2025). What policies, if any, would you support at the state or federal level to protect the long-term stability of Texas’s research infrastructure, and why?
I would prefer to have scientific research conducted by the private sector, not the government. But that can’t change overnight, so there should be funding of current research with an announcement that this will end by a certain date, so private foundations, businesses, etc. can take over. Once that’s done, scientists won’t be dependent on the whims of politicians for funding, especially when there is an anti-science HHS Secretary.
Q6 Texas kindergartners’ measles vaccination rate fell to 93.24% in the 2024-2025 school year, a decline from prior years amid a national resurgence (Texas Department of State Health Services, 2025). That year, Texas recorded 762 confirmed measles cases, including the deaths of two unvaccinated school-age children, in the state’s largest outbreak since 1992 (Texas DSHS, 2025). Measles can cause serious complications: roughly 1 in 5 unvaccinated people who contract it are hospitalized, and it can lead to pneumonia, brain swelling, or death (CDC). As a policymaker, how do you approach engaging with communities that have concerns about infectious disease outbreaks and vaccine safety, and what policies, if any, would you support related to these issues, and why?
I believe that kids should be vaccinated for measles, and my daughter certainly was, though I wouldn’t force anyone to take a measles vaccine shot. It’s sad that people who were alarmed by the mRNA vaccine for COVID started to look negatively at the totally different measles vaccine that has been used successfully for decades. I’m not a doctor, and my daughter is an adult now, so I don’t know how doctors are promoting vaccines now. But it’s hard to convince people who look through an ideological lens rather than a scientific lens.
Q7 Scientific evidence is generated through the systematic testing and evaluation of ideas. It provides knowledge the helps us understand the world and predict the likely consequences of different choices, such policy making related to public health, energy, agriculture, and environmental regulation. What role, if any, should scientific evidence and expert input play in your policymaking process, and how would you evaluate competing or uncertain scientific claims when making policy decisions? What role, if any, should that process play when scientific consensus and public opinion diverge?
I’m certainly in favor of the scientific method of using sensible, reliable data, and determining possible outcomes. This should also be used for most political decisions, since a lot of bad possible results from proposed laws could have been determined up front. I always say that political decisions should be logical and make sense. However, what makes sense to politicians is a solution that helps them serve their big donors and get re-elected, not what’s best for their constituents. Instead I’m determined to look for sensible solutions that are constitutional and would actually solve problems.